This post is Part II of Richard Tol's look at Chapter 11 of the IPCC AR4 WGIII. Part I is here.Richard Tol is a research professor at ESRI in Ireland, one of the top 175 economists in the world and a contributor to the work of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), where his work is widely cited. In this guest post, the second of a series, Richard takes a look at parts of the IPCC AR4 Working Group III, which has largely escaped scrutiny in recent months. In this Part II he concludes:
Chapter 11 claims a certainty that does not exist.Please have a look at Richard's full discussion below. If you have questions or criticisms of Richard's analysis please submit them in the comments, I am sure that Richard will be happy to engage.
Part II, Technological change
To a first approximation, the costs of emission reduction are driven by the difference in the costs of fossil energy and its carbon-neutral alternatives. It costs about 4 cents per kilowatthour to make electricity with coal, about 8 cents with wind, and about 24 cents with solar. That is today. The bulk of emission reduction will take place in the future. Estimates of the costs of emission reduction are therefore largely driven the assumed evolution of the prices of carbon-neutral energy sources, relative to the prices of fossil fuels.
It is hard to predict future price changes. This implies that the estimates of the costs of emission reduction are very uncertain. If you assume rapid technological progress in renewable energy and scarce oil and gas, emission reduction will be cheap. If you assume slow technological progress in renewables and rapid progress in unconventional oil and gas, emission reduction will be expensive.
Models used to assume that technological change in energy is independent of climate policy. This assumption has been challenged, and rightly so. There is ample evidence than inventors and innovators respond to policy and price signals. There are now a number of models in which technological progress is partly driven by climate policy. The Summary for Policy Makers (SPM) of AR4 WG3 statesIn the models that adopt these approaches, projected costs for a given stabilization level are reduced; the reductions are greater at lower stabilisation levels.The SPM asserts three times that induced technical change reduces the costs of abatement, and once that it may even revert the sign. Chapter 11 is the source of these claims. What evidence does it offer?
Studies that assume the possibility that climate change policy induces enhanced technological change also give lower costs.
Although most models show GDP losses, some show GDP gains because they assume […] that more technological change may be induced by mitigation policies.
Modelling studies […] show carbon prices rising to 20 to 80 US$/tCO2-eq by 2030 and 30 to 155 US$/tCO2-eq by 2050. For the same stabilization level, studies […] that take into account induced technological change lower these price ranges to 5 to 65 US$/tCO2-eq in 2030 and 15 to 130 US$/tCO2-eq in 2050
The main source of information is the Innovation Modelling Comparison Project (IMCP), which was led by Barker, Edenhofer and Grubb who were all lead authors of Chapter 11. Most of the models surveyed indeed show a drop in emission reduction costs if innovation responds to policy. The extent to which costs fall depends, among other things, on the assumed “crowding-out” – that is, if economies invest more in research and development (R&D) of clean energy, do they then invest less in other R&D? Chapter 11 identifies Nordhaus (2002) as the study that assume the greatest crowding-out: Energy R&D comes at the expense of other R&D. Chapter 11 (p. 653) writesWhile some models find a large reduction in mitigation costs (e.g. Popp, 2006a), some find small impacts (e.g. Nordhaus, 2002).Nordhaus (2002) writesthe introduction of induced innovation increases the discounted value of world consumption by US$238 billion. This is about 40 percent of the welfare gain from substitution policies, which is $585 billionThat is, Nordhaus reports a small gain in welfare if the model includes induced technological change; Nordhaus finds a welfare gain because the benefits of avoided climate change are larger than the costs of emission reduction. In Nordhaus’ results, welfare falls by $585-$238=$248 billion. While Chapter 11 claims that Nordhaus finds a small but positive impact, Nordhaus in fact finds a negative impact.
Nordhaus explainsThe primary reason for the small impact of induced innovation on the overall path of climate change is that the investments in inventive activity are too small to make a major difference unless the social returns to R&D are much larger than the already-supernormal returns. R&D is about 2 percent of output in the energy sector, while conventional investment is close to 30 percent of output. Even with supernormal returns, the small fraction devoted to research is unlikely to outweigh other investments.That is, energy is a small factor in the economy; focusing R&D on energy has a large opportunity cost as energy R&D detracts from other R&D.
Nordhaus’ result is well in line with the more theoretical work by Lans Bovenberg, Larry Goulder, Adriaan van Zon, Sjak Smulders and others. In fact, Smulders shows that an incomplete specification of R&D tends to lead to cost reductions, while a complete specification tends to lead to cost increases. This issue was raised by two referees of the First Order Draft. The authors respond thus:
A very few authors (e.g. Smulders) have found that allowing for ETC in top-down models increases costs, and many have found that it reduces them. This is not a consensus, but it does suggest that the balance of findings is that inclusion of ETC in the modelling reduces the cost estimates.
That is, the existence of Smulders’ work is acknowledged, but its theoretical superiority is not.
The issue was again raised by a referee of the Second Order Draft. The authors respond thus:The text is describing the literature. ITC through LBD reduces the costs in the model applications reviewed.That is, Smulders’ work is no longer deemed relevant.
In the published version of the chapter, Smulders appears as follows:There have been many reviews (see Clarke and Weyant, 2002; Grubb et al., 2002b; Löschel, 2002; Jaffe et al., 2003; Goulder, 2004; Weyant, 2004; Smulders, 2005; Grübler et al. 2002; Vollebergh and Kemfert, 2005; Clarke et al., 2006; Edenhofer et al., 2006b; Köhler et al., 2006; Newell et al., 2006; Popp, 2006b; Sue Wing, 2006; Sue Wing and Popp, 2006).A paper that was known to give a contradictory result in the First Order Draft, was hidden in the chapter.
The Executive Summary of Chapter 11 reads:Using different approaches, modelling studies suggest that allowing for endogenous technological change reduces carbon prices as well as GDP costs, this in comparison with those studies that largely assumed that technological change was independent of mitigation policies and action.I would argue that the higher quality studies show the opposite of this conclusion. Others may disagree with me, but one cannot deny that the literature is ambiguous. Chapter 11 claims a certainty that does not exist.
Chapter 11 (p. 650) writesThe TAR […] reported that endogenizing technological change could shift the optimal timing of mitigation forward or backward (8.4.5). The direction depends on whether technological change is driven by R&D investments (suggesting less mitigation now and more mitigation later, when costs decline) or by accumulation of experience induced by the policies (suggesting an acceleration in mitigation to gain that experience, and lower costs, earlier).This is an accurate summary of the TAR and indeed the literature. However, on p. 651, we readLearning-by-doing implies that larger (and more costly) efforts are justified earlier as a way to lower future costs.That is a remarkable turnaround. An ambiguous finding (up or down) is turned into a clear result (up). What is more remarkable is that there is no discussion of this at all in Chapter 11: No new studies are cited that support the claim on p. 651. Chapter 11 could have cited Schwoon and Tol (2006, Energy Journal, 27 (4) 25-60; working paper available since 2004), who show that, if anything, the literature has shifted in the opposite direction.
16 comments:
I've done a blog post that expands on some of Dr. Tol's concerns. Short version: Chapter 11 of Working Group 3's report cites 330 sources in its list of references. Fully 42% of those are grey-literature rather than peer-reviewed. This is despite the protests of Tol and others in their capacity as IPCC expert reviewers.
http://nofrakkingconsensus.blogspot.com/2010/03/almost-half-non-peer-reviewed.html
Richard,
Do any of these studies take into account that people are ingenious at finding ways to circumvent regulations if that is cheaper than actually changing behavoir in the way intended by the regulation? (the lobbying for special considerations in the cap and trade bill is a good example).
It seems to me that a supply driven increase in energy prices would be much more effective than a policy driven increase. Do these models distinguish between the two types of price increases?
-2-Raven
You raised the same issue yesterday, and I never replied. Sorry.
These models typically assume perfect implementation, and do not distinguish between causes of price increases.
The assumption of perfect implementation means that the models underestimate the costs of the policy intervention.
There is increasing empirical evidence that people respond differently to a market price increase and an equivalent tax increase. It is not obvious how this would change the model results, and I am not aware of any attempt to estimate this.
"...endogenizing technological change..."
Dr. Tol: "That is, energy is a small factor in the economy; focusing R&D on energy has a large opportunity cost as energy R&D detracts from other R&D."
Whether internally or externally driven, it seems to me that the most innovative risk takers are the ones with the least to lose. Look at how ownership has changed in the corporate world from the group of single investors to institutional investors. Institutional owned enterprises tend to buy innovation rather than risk failure. Then look at how the shareholders of our government have changed from "one person, one vote" to powerful interests groups. Innovation is embraced for other/future shareholders to develop so long as the present shareholders achieve their returns.
In my opinion, what compounds the problem when it comes to climate/energy matters is the erroneous linking of innovative ideas to actually interdicting climate trends rather than linking those ideas to achievable environmental goals.
Richard,
Thanks. Is this something that you think you would try to research?
I would hope so because it is a rather big factor to ignore. In fact, the evidence of fraud in the CDM makes it clear that ignoring factor leads to models that cannot possibly reflect reality.
There is also another factor which I think has been probably left out: raising taxes beyond a certain level results in less revenue because tax evasion increases to the point where it becomes social acceptable. This would be true of any anti-CO2 regulation. This might mean that it is impossible to achieve CO2 reductions with regulation if the differental cost of non-emitting technologies is too high.
"It costs about 4 cents per kilowatthour to make electricity with coal"
IMHO At the current global coal price of $90/tonne 4 cents barely covers fuel costs alone.
Possible in an existing coal fired plant where capital costs have already been amortized, but for a new coal fired facility 5 or 6 cents cost is more realistic given current global coal prices.
Love the image of the panel seated behind of a bank of tulips.
what Harry said. You also need to factor in some sort of risk premium to cover potential CO2 regulations...
Why do economists think that innovation can be forced? The laws of science are not suspended if you throw enough money at them. There is a headiness since IT revolution that things can be made cheaper and better if you just spend enough R&D dollars. Moores law dates to 1965. Given the technology known at the time it was possible to predict. However unlike intergrated circuits energy is a well worn R&D path. Like IC density limits you reach efficiency limits. We have been trying to improve efficiency in energy generation and use for a very long time.
Mike,
Do you believe that government policy can harm innovation? I think it is pretty easy to point to examples where this is the case with command economies. If you grant that, then it is easy to see that the rate of innovation can be increased through government policy - if only by stopping doing the things that are harmful.
The harder question is what policy is most appropriate to achieve the desired outcome. That is much more complicated and rarely is it most appropriate to tell everyone what to research.
-9-Mike
Innovation is a human activity and can therefore be changed by humans.
The sum total of innovation is driven by the total amount of effectively smart and creative people. That is determined by age, education, nutrition, bankrupcy laws etc.
The questions that these people apply their minds to, is driven by perceptions of the problems-to-be-solved and by opportunities (funding, prestige, ...) and challenges (human suffering, loss of market share, ...).
While it is hard to force invention as that requires a creative spark, innovation can be redirected by taking the engineers of problem A and putting them on problem B.
TripodGirl,
How do you define "grey-literature" in your count? Do you include published books?
I found your count very interesting, since I have numbers for the full 2001 report. Your results suggest that AR4 is similar in amount of grey-literature as TAR. That means that 16 % grey for WG1, 39 % grey for WG2 and 64 % grey for WG3 (but this includes everything that is not journal articles).
I am happy to see a thoughtful critique of WG3. It is long overdue. I have three comments from a perspective of 25 years in energy research and strategic planning:
1. The low (2%) of energy research as a fraction of output is misleading because of very large multiplicative factors. New technology tends to be replicated and deployed far more broadly than in other industries.
2. Against this is the very slow progress recorded in renewables R&D generally. A couple of comments express this thought intutively. My expectation is that real costs will not come down rapidly in an accelerated emissions reduction scenario. Furthermore the "crowding out" phenomenon will negatively impact innovation and hence GDP.
3. The general drift of the science is toward climate sensitivities substantially lower than the IPCC likely range of 2-4.5 deg C. In combination with 1&2, this suggests that policies favoring slower decarbonization transitions will yield the highest benefit/cost ratios.
Roger...I'm speechless! I sincerely hope your statements above have legs!
The economic comparisons, here, seem to be based on the initial presentation of energy costs of fossil, wind and solar-derived energy production as 4 cents per kilowatt hour, 8 cents, and about 24 cents, respectively. The last of these, and probably the second, are based on "life cycle" analysis, which includes the cost of material production and disposal and associated environmental degradation. This is not true of the fossil fuel cost, where the environmental costs are not only large but are well-known. Without an "even playing field" it is remarkable that the much vilified green technologies do as well as they do in Tol's analysis. If the true, long-term cost of fossil fuels is factored in, how will it look then?
@Andreas Bjurström, #12
Apologies, I've just noticed your comment this morning. There is, err, some amount of grey with respect to what is grey literature.
IPCC Rajendra Pachauri has repeatedly declared in public that the IPCC report relies only on "peer-reviewed literature." For my purposes, anything that hasn't gone through a normal peer review process (the IPCC's internal process may be called peer-review but is quite different from what is normally meant by that term) therefore doesn't count.
So books and book chapters are out. Working papers are out. Ditto EPA reports, OECD reports, World Bank reports, press releases, newspaper articles, conference proceedings, and congressional testimony.
Could an argument be made that some of the above are valid sources of information? Absolutely. But if one wishes to make that argument - and to rely heavily on sources of this kind - then the chairman of the organization cannot go around saying the report is based only and solely on sources that have been peer-reviewed.
Two dozen volunteer citizen auditors from around the world are currently working on quantifying the peer-review vs grey literature ratio in the 2007 IPCC report. This will provide approximate, as opposed to pinpoint precise, tallies. But it is an important exercise because it will give us some indication of how significant the chasm is between the actual report and how that report has been consistently described by both the IPCC chairman and by the media.
More info appears here, including links to the FAQ and How-To guide we're using:
http://noconsensus.org/ipcc-audit/auditors.php
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